{"id":6,"date":"2026-11-02T08:23:00","date_gmt":"2026-11-02T08:23:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/?p=6"},"modified":"2026-11-02T08:23:00","modified_gmt":"2026-11-02T08:23:00","slug":"the-long-shadow-of-ben-ali-philsugar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/?p=6","title":{"rendered":"The Long Shadow of Ben Ali | PhilSugar"},"content":{"rendered":"

Argument
\nAn expert\u2019s point of view on a current event.
\nThe Long Shadow of Ben Ali
\nHow a decades-old fake coup attempt is taking its toll on Tunisia.
\nBy
\nBrian Klaas
\n, a professor of global politics at University College London.
\nfp-placeholder-social-share-3-2
\nSecurity
\nEconomics
\nCorruption
\nMiddle East and North Africa
\nDecember 17, 2013, 4:58 PM
\nThree years ago today, on Dec. 17, 2010, a young vegetable vendor lit himself on fire, committing suicide to protest life under Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali's dictatorship in Tunisia. This spark set Tunisia — and then the Arab world — ablaze with political change in the wave of revolutions that became known as the Arab Spring.
\nTunisia seemed poised to rise phoenix-like from the ashes of its dictatorial past, bringing democracy to northern Africa for the first time. But success in the transition to democracy has proved elusive. This year, extremist Salafists gunned down two prominent opposition politicians,
\nChokri Belaid
\nand
\nMohamed Brahmi
\n, in broad daylight and in front of their families. Dozens of soldiers and policemen have been killed in a
\nstring of attacks
\n, with the
\nnumbers killed rising
\nsignificantly at the end of this year. In October, a suicide bomber
\nblew himself up
\non a beach full of tourists, though he botched the attack and killed only himself. In addition to such grave security risks, the elections that were already overdue at the start of this year are now unlikely to take place before October 2014 — and then, only if everything goes according to plan.
\nThree years ago today, on Dec. 17, 2010, a young vegetable vendor lit himself on fire, committing suicide to protest life under Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali\u2019s dictatorship in Tunisia. This spark set Tunisia \u2014 and then the Arab world \u2014 ablaze with political change in the wave of revolutions that became known as the Arab Spring.
\nTunisia seemed poised to rise phoenix-like from the ashes of its dictatorial past, bringing democracy to northern Africa for the first time. But success in the transition to democracy has proved elusive. This year, extremist Salafists gunned down two prominent opposition politicians,
\nChokri Belaid
\nand
\nMohamed Brahmi
\n, in broad daylight and in front of their families. Dozens of soldiers and policemen have been killed in a
\nstring of attacks
\n, with the
\nnumbers killed rising
\nsignificantly at the end of this year. In October, a suicide bomber
\nblew himself up
\non a beach full of tourists, though he botched the attack and killed only himself. In addition to such safe first meeting sugar dating<\/a> grave security risks, the elections that were already overdue at the start of this year are now unlikely to take place before October 2014 \u2014 and then, only if everything goes according to plan.
\nIn spite of these challenges, Tunisia remains the best hope for democracy among the countries involved in the Arab Spring. But Tunisia has stumbled slowly and awkwardly through its transition, which still has a long way to go.
\nTunisia\u2019s new government \u2014 a troika led by the Islamist Ennahda party \u2014 was elected in October 2011. They are largely inexperienced, with politicians learning on the job. This has deadlocked the transition government even as it struggles to contain the deteriorating security situation. Moreover, though the governing coalition is working to bolster military capacity, the army is still weak and does not have the necessary capacity to neutralize mounting terrorism threats.
\nThese problems are a legacy of Tunisia\u2019s traumatic past. And now that victims are finally free of the dictator\u2019s iron first, they are speaking up and exposing the full extent of that trauma.
\nThe stories they\u2019ve told show that Ben Ali\u2019s legacy continues to cast a long shadow over the transition. One particular story \u2014 involving a fake coup d\u2019\u00e9tat, brutal torture, and a twenty-year cover-up \u2014 shines light on the tangible, chronic impact of a dictator\u2019s single-minded determination to hold onto power, no matter the cost. The story has only been told in
\nlocal Tunisian media
\n(almost exclusively written in
\nFrench
\nor Arabic), though a few Western NGOs (
\nHuman Rights Watch
\nand the Organisation Mondiale Contre la Torture) have also taken note.
\nThe tale starts in 1987, after Ben Ali took power in a coup. Once in power, he was paranoid, worrying that he would share the same fate as his predecessor, who was toppled by internal opposition. Specifically, he feared two groups most: Islamists and the military.
\nIn 1991, Ben Ali killed both birds with a single diabolical stone.
\nTo eradicate his potential rivals, the regime needed an excuse to justify an unprecedented crackdown on Tunisian Islamists and a simultaneous purge of the military elite. On May 22, verified sponsor Philippines<\/a> 1991, Ben Ali\u2019s Ministry of the Interior, Abdallah Kallel, announced that the regime had uncovered an alleged coup plot, and claimed that more than 200 military officers were conspiring with Islamists of the Ennahda movement.
\nThe supposed plot, now largely forgotten, is known as the "Barraket Essahel Affair," after the town where the men were accused of scheming against Tunisia\u2019s strongman. For sugar baby financial support<\/a> two decades, it was assumed to be a genuinely foiled coup attempt, a victory of the Tunisian state to protect itself from would-be military usurpers.
\nWith the fog of history lifted, it has become clear that there was no military plot. There is no record of the alleged meeting in Barraket Essahel. Ben Ali\u2019s government never offered any proof that the implicated officers were involved in any way. The only thing these army officers were guilty of was being competent at a time when Ben Ali feared the threat of a strong military that could feasibly, one day, launch a coup.
\nIn short, the plot was fabricated as a pretext to jail political opponents, force others into exile, and purge the military of effective leaders. The suffering it caused, however, was all too real, both for Ennahda members, and for more than 200 soldiers.
\nOne such soldier was Lieutenant Colonel Mohamed Ahmed, a humble, soft-spoken man still sporting a military-style haircut when I met him in Tunis in November.
\nAhmed and up to 200 other officers were transported to the Ministry of the Interior, a building that is reputed to be "as deep as it is tall." During interrogation, he was accused of being affiliated with Ennahda and plotting to overthrow Ben Ali. Neither accusation was true.
\nAhmed was isolated and tortured. He was suspended on a metal rod in the so-called "roasted chicken" position for hours. He was beaten, hung by his feet with his hands tied behind his back, and brought to the brink of drowning in a basin of urine and feces. After three weeks of torture, Ahmed could not stand. His feet were swollen, his lips burst and bloodied. In this state \u2014 and with the assistance of two security officers \u2014 he was brought to his feet to be interrogated by Ben Ali\u2019s right hand man himself, Minister of the Interior Abdallah Kallel.
\nAhmed attempted to explain that the "plot" was fictional and that any confessions of guilt were desperate attempts to stop the suffering. His insistence on the truth earned Lt. Col. Ahmed even more severe torture that evening. A week later, inexplicably, the ministry released the officers and them wished a happy Eid al-Kabir. This was ironic timing; the Muslim holiday marks Abraham\u2019s willingness to make a sacrifice in submission to a higher command.
\nThe nightmare was not over. In addition to lifelong psychological sugar dating site with most sugar babies Philippines<\/a> scarring, the government confiscated their victims\u2019 passports, eliminated their eligibility for pensions, and intervened to ensure they would not find work. They were stripped of their uniforms, the ultimate humiliation for these decorated officers.
\nFor Ennahda members, the suffering lasted longer. Many were imprisoned for years and continually tortured. Others fled Tunisia and began decades in exile.
\nFor Ben Ali, this was a clear victory. The Islamists and the military were neutralized jointly, even though they had never been linked. The Islamists were imprisoned, or forced into hiding or exile. The military was severely weakened, creating what torture victim and ex-army Captain Mohsen Kaabi calls an "inverse pyramid of competence," where sugar dating subscription Philippines<\/a> incompetence wins career advancement. This guaranteed a weakened military incapable of launching a coup d\u2019\u00e9tat \u2014 and equally incapable of keeping Tunisians safe during today\u2019s tumultuous transition. As Kaabi put it, "Ben Ali felt he could rest comfortably in his throne after the purge."
\nSuch methods kept Ben Ali in power for another two decades, until he was toppled by t
\nhe first of the Arab Spring uprisings. He fled Tunisia on Jan. 14, 2011.
\nNearly three years have now passed. Many of the members of Ennahda who were tortured, imprisoned, or forced into exile are now running the transitional government, finding justice by taking Ben Ali\u2019s reins of power. But they are hobbled by a lack of experience; many are more familiar with improve sugar dating profile<\/a> European capitals or jail cells than with the workings of parliament or bureaucracy.
\nThis inexperience has furthered unrest. The long period of deadlock has Metro Manila sugar daddy<\/a> entrenched political and economic woes, prompting
\nrepeated downgrades
\nby external creditors. Inflation is
\nhigh
\n. Youth unemployment is out of control. As these problems worsen, there have been
\nattacks
\non Ennahda offices, as the lofty expectations of the revolution are replaced by the harsh reality of stagnation. And of course, the military remains weak even as unrest builds and terrorism threats continue to emerge.
\nMeanwhile, there has been no justice for the victims of the Barraket Essahel Affair, who have not yet received compensation, or even pensions. Lt. Col. Ahmed and other victims formed an NGO, l\u2019Association INSAF, in order BGC sugar daddy<\/a> to put pressure on the government. (The photo above shows Ahmed (right) standing with fellow victims and l\u2019Association INSAF members, Col. Ahmed Ghiloufi and Col. Moncef Zoghlami.) While the victims have received
\nofficial recognition
\nby the President, the government has only offered empty verbal overtures \u2014 further evidence that Ben Ali\u2019s accusations of collusion were unfounded, as Ennahda is doing little to help its fellow victims. Some of the military victims \u2014 who are still struggling to make ends meet \u2014 have been approached by terrorist groups that hope to take advantage of their anger and their military-level munitions skills. L\u2019Association INSAF is actively working with the government to ensure that does not happen. Meanwhile, the military has done nothing to bring their falsely accused comrades back into the fold, depriving itself of 200 military experts who would doubtless be determined to aid the transition.
\nThis long shadow of Ben Ali continues to obscure Tunisia\u2019s path to democracy. Three years after the start of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is the last, best hope for success in the region. The government has done many things well, avoiding the traps that derailed transitions in Libya, Syria, and Egypt. But Tunisia\u2019s transition is nonetheless darkened by the decades-long shadow of a paranoid dictator. Until the government grapples with Tunisia\u2019s dark past, inexperienced leadership, a weak military, and injustice will continue to block democracy from taking root.
\nSecurity
\nEconomics
\nCorruption
\nMiddle East and North Africa
\nBrian Klaas
\nis a professor of global politics at University College London and the author of
\nCorruptible: Who Gets Power and How It Changes Us.
\nX:
\n@brianklaas
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Argument An expert\u2019s point of view on a current event. The Long Shadow of Ben Ali How a decades-old fake coup attempt is taking its toll on Tunisia. By Brian Klaas , a professor of global politics at University College London. fp-placeholder-social-share-3-2 Security Economics Corruption Middle East and North Africa December 17, 2013, 4:58 PM […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=6"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7,"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6\/revisions\/7"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=6"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=6"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/phililovestory.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=6"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}